AfCFTA: Dissecting the world’s largest Free Trade Area: Challenges and Opportunities for East Africa. Is AfCFTA a window of opportunity or a fallacy?

The AfCFTA entered into force on May 30, 2019. Despite the speed at which this new Africa continental trading block is unloading, there is very limited knowledge amongst ordinary citizens, particularly youth, women, and small business.  There is a fear that AfCFTA may be built on a weak ground, set itself for an uphill task and potential failure

The Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is so far the world’s largest Free Trade Area bringing together the 55 countries of the African Union (AU) and eight (8) Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The overall mandate of the AfCFTA is to create a single continental market with a population of about 1.3 billion people and a combined GDP of approximately US$ 3.4 trillion. The AfCFTA is one of the flagship projects of Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want, the African Union’s long-term development strategy for transforming the continent into a global powerhouse[1].

As part of its mandate, the AfCFTA is to eliminate trade barriers and boost intra-Africa trade. It is to advance trade in value-added production across all service sectors of the African Economy. The AfCFTA is expected to contribute to establishing regional value chains in Africa, enabling investment and job creation. The practical implementation of the AfCFTA has the potential to foster industrialisation, job creation, and investment, thus enhancing the competitiveness of Africa in the medium to long term.

The AfCFTA entered into force on May 30, 2019, after 24 Member States deposited their Instruments of Ratification following a series of continuous continental engagements spanning since 2012. By end of February 2023, 54 member states had signed up and 46 already deposited their ratification instruments, paving way for effective implementation of AfCFTA.

The problem

Despite the speed at which this new Africa continental trading block is unloading, there is very limited knowledge amongst ordinary citizens, particularly youth, women, and small business.  There is a fear that AfCFTA may be built on a weak ground, set itself for an uphill task and potential failure.   AfCFTA aims to create a supra regional economic block in an environment where previous efforts to trade and economic  integration  under frameworks such as the Economic Cooperation of West Africa States (ECOWAS), Preferential Trade Area and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (PTA- COMESA), Southern Africa Development Cooperation (SADC) and East Africa Community (EAC)  have struggled to survive and fully benefit member states , particularly in expanding opportunities for small businesses, jobs and free movement of labour. Trade barriers still exits and overlapping regional configurations, with multiple membership of states to more than one block have exacerbated problems in implementation and held back member states and citizens from enjoying the benefits of regional economic integration.

From an academic perspective, there is a continuous debate on the role of regional integration and commercial diplomacy as instruments of economic diplomacy on trade export flows among African states. A study by the European University in 2016 show that bilateral diplomatic exchange is a relatively more significant determinant of bilateral exports among African states compared to regional integration. The study found a nuanced interaction between these two instruments of economic diplomacy: the trade-stimulating effect of diplomatic exchange was less pronounced among African countries that shared membership of the same regional block. Generally, this could mean that there exists a trade-off between regional integration and commercial diplomacy in facilitating exports or a lack of complementarity between these two instruments of economic diplomacy[2].

AfCFTA is therefore viewed in some analytical circles as potentially counterproductive, as may potentially open the continent to stiff external competition.  Further, cynics view AfCFTA as a potentially well-orchestrated tactical move suitable for developed economies, to open up Africa as a single market. With AfCFTA in place, its alleged, it will be cheap for large RECs such as the European Union (EU) to easily access Africa’s markets with minimal hinderance, as it may now be easy for large and well-established trading blocs such as the EU to negotiate preferential trade deals with one major African block and not with independent states. This had proven problematic in the past negotiations for trade deals such as the controversial Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs).

Window of opportunity?

None the less, the AfCFTA is here, providing potentially a land shade moment for Africa to reclaim itself, unlock its trade potential and to take its well-deserved position in the community of nations as an economic giant.

The whole existence of the AfCFTA is to create a single continental market for the free movement of goods, services and investments. The AfCFTA Agreement covers goods and services, intellectual property rights, investments, digital trade and Women and Youth in Trade among other areas. The Secretariat, therefore, works with State Parties to negotiate trade rules and frameworks for eliminating trade barriers while putting in place a Dispute Settlement Mechanism, thereby levelling the ground for increased intra-Africa trade. Could this be a reclaimed window of opportunity for Africa?.

Purpose of the webinar

The purpose of this webinar is to dissect AfCFTA create a space for sensitisation and public dialogue with key stakeholders such as Civil Society Organizations, Africa’s economic diplomats, the Private Sector, Government Officials and Agencies, Partners, and other interest groups; in a bid to create awareness about the AfCFTA Agreement and the potential opportunities it offers, thus, securing their active support in the implementation of the Agreement.

This webinar is a first in a series of the different webinars that GEPC plans to conduct on the different elements of AfCFTA, with anticipation that we can contribute towards expanding knowledge and engagement with AfCFTA in the region and propelling its effective implementation.  But more significantly creating opportunities for business economic opportunity in country, including space for youth and women led young businesses to benefit from this new continental arrangement.

This webinar will be held ahead of marking the 4th Anniversary since the AfCTA came into force on 30th May 2023. The webinar will therefore be a major point for reflection on the aspirations and progress made and in generating views and which can potentially influence its future direction.

Our distinguished panelist speakers

  1. Ms Treasure Maphanga, Chief Operating Officer (COO), Africa E-Trade Group and Former AU Director Trade and Industry
  2. Mr Deus  M. Kibamba, Lecture Tanzania Centre for Foreign Relations
  3. Mr Elibarik Shammy, Programs Manager, Trade Mark  Africa
  4. Ms Jane Nalunga, Executive Director, Southern and Eastern Africa Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI)
  5. Mr Robert Ssuna,  Tax and Trade Expert and Consultant
  6. Mr Moses Kulaba, Tax Law expert and Economic Diplomat (Convenor)

Tentative Dates: Wednesday, 10th May 2023

Time: 12-13:30 Hrs-EAT/ 11AM CET and 9:00 am Accra Time

To participate please register via: https://zoom.us/meeting/register/tJIsc-ispjwiGdVn1y4w9Jks-h-zs5i9QEzV

Meeting ID: 96141487831. Passcode: 391843

[1] https://au-afcfta.org/

[2] Afesorgbor Sylvanus Kwaku (2016) Economic Diplomacy in Africa: The Impact of Regional Integration versus Bilateral Diplomacy on Bilateral Trade, European University Institute, EUI Working Paper MWP 2016/18

The Future is Green: How Can Tanzania Harness its Renewable Energy-Opportunities and Gaps

With high winds potential that cover more than 10% of its land and solar energy levels ranging from 2800 to 3500 h of sunshine per year and a global horizontal radiation of 4–7 kWh/m2/day, Tanzania is just a step away from becoming a reckonable giant of renewable energy and leap jumping into a clean future

By Moses Kulaba, Governance Analysis Centre

Tanzania, like other developing countries, is striving to adopt different ways of ensuring affordable and accessible energy supply to its socioeconomic and political sectors to achieve renewable energy development. To secure affordable and accessible energy in the country, renewable energy is termed as an alternative energy source because of it is environmentally friendly. If renewable energy is produced and utilized in a modern and sustainable manner, it will help to eliminate energy problems in Tanzania

According to reports, Tanzania has a lot of renewable energy sources such as biomass, solar, hydropower, geothermal, biogas, wind, tidal, and waves. These sources are important for decentralized renewable energy technologies, which nurture the isolated nature of the settlements and are environmentally friendly. Despite their necessity, renewable energy sources are given low priority by both government and Households[1].

Tanzania’s power sector is dominated by state-owned TANESCO (Tanzania Electricity Supply Company Limited). TANESCO owns most of the country’s transmission and distribution network, and more than half of its generating capacity. Tanzania’s electricity generation comes mostly from natural gas (48%), followed by hydro (31%), petrol (18%) with solar (1%), and biofuels (1%). The traditional dependence on hydropower combined with the droughts that are affecting the country, often result in power supply shortages[2].

The World Economic Forum (WEF) reported the total sum of global investment into renewable energy has increased. This was supported by a 28% annual increase in investment from the United States (U.S), in 2019 totalling $54.6 billion[3]. Renewables cannot totally replace fossils such as oil, but increased investment shows increased potential contribution in the energy mix.  The International Energy Agency (IEA) estimates annual clean energy investments will more than triple by 2030.

With its vast resources and location, there are opportunities for investment in its abundant solar and wind potentials. Perhaps, it is argued, the country can leverage its strategic position to scale up investment to generate more and at the same time position as a major supplier and user of renewable energy sources.

However, there are gaps such as financing, infrastructure, storage, and government facilitation which potentially limit investment, scale up, use and benefiting from this potential. The cost for initial investment is high and the returns on investment could be slow. Exploration efforts have largely emphasized hydropower projects, and other renewable energy such as solar, thermal, wind, biomass, and biogas are under-utilized due to different socioeconomic and political reasons

Further, some of African political leaders, such as expressed by Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, have argued that renewable energy is not sustainable to meet the future global population energy demands. It cannot even meet or drive Africa’s development agenda.  Renewable energies such as solar and wind are largely dependent on whether and climatic factors. A solar farm requires huge tracts of land, and this can or may potentially spark off a new wave of land grabbing by solar energy investors and land conflict across the continent. Africa could also be a bystander in renewable energy technology. For Africa to benefit, investment in technologies and production of equipment, such as solar panels and wind turbines must be on the continent.

But CSOs such as power shift Africa and Anti Coal Coalition[4] argue that investment in renewable energy is economically viable, will create jobs and increase access to energy to the poor and rural areas where access to the national could be difficult. Significantly, it will help Tanzania achieve its domestic transition and unlocking the country from a fossil future.

The government, along with other renewable energy stakeholders, should complement existing policies and strategies to address issues related to renewable energy development to ensure timely and sustainable utilization of the available resources. Also, there is the need to provide a sound business and investment environment to local and foreign people who can provide capital towards renewable energy technologies and development. There should be more training and awareness made available to the public about how to invest and use renewable energy. Tanzania can and must benefit from the transition by upscaling its potential and starting to roll out implementation. Stalled projects should be implemented.

Tanzania’s potential in Wind and Solar Energy

Wind energy

Tanzania has areas of high wind potential that cover more than 10% of its land[5]. This is equivalent in size to Malawi and has greater potential than the US state of California, as reported by the World Bank report. There are areas with annual average wind speeds of 5–8 m/s[6] . These exist along a coastline of about 800 km with predominant surface winds, moving from south-east to northeast. Based on the current research works, Tanzania has a lot of wind energy resources in the areas of Great Lakes, the plains, and the highland plateau regions of the Rift Valley. Wind energy evaluation indicates that areas such as Makambako (Njombe) and Kititimo (Singida) have sufficient wind speed for grid-scale electricity generation, with average of wind speeds 8.9 m/s and 9.9 m/s at the height of 30 m, respectively[7]. Small-scale off-grid wind turbines along the coastline and in the islands also possess great potential in Tanzania.

By 2017, at least four companies had expressed interest in investing in wind energy in Tanzania to build wind plants with a capacity of more than 50 MW. These companies include Geo-Wind Tanzania Ltd in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; Wind East Africa in Singida, Tanzania; and Sino Tan Renewable Energy Ltd. and Wind Energy Tanzania Ltd. in Makambako, Tanzania. Wind farms with capacities of 100 MW in Singida would be constructed under the corporation of the Six Telecoms Company in Singida, Tanzania; International Finance Corporation in Washington DC, The United States of America; and Aldwych International in London, the United Kingdom. The project would cost US$286 million[8]. Compared to other renewable energy resources that attract investment, most of the people have been trying without success to produce electricity from the wind energy. Thus, only the government and private companies are the ones who are involved in power generation assessments from wind energy resources[9] [66]

Solar Energy

In Tanzania, solar energy is used as a source of power by 24.7% of the households with access to electricity. Potential solar energy resources are found in the central parts of the country[10] [1]. There are high solar energy levels ranging from 2800 to 3500 h of sunshine per year and a global horizontal radiation of 4–7 kWh/m2/day [1,70]. According to the World Bank, Tanzania has a solar energy potential greater than that of Spain and wind energy potential greater than that of the US State of California. With such great potential for solar energy resources, Tanzania is naturally appropriate for producing solar energy as a feasible alternative source for modern energy supply and rural electrification.

The solar energy market in Tanzania has drastically grown and increased over the last few years. Currently, the potential solar energy resources in Tanzania are used in different parts such as solar thermal for heating and drying and photovoltaic for lighting, water pumps, refrigeration purposes, and telecommunication. Solar energy is used mostly in rural areas with about 64.8% compared to urban areas with only 3.4%. The regions of Lindi, Njombe, Mtwara, Katavi, and Ruvuma lead in the use of solar power electricity in Tanzania[11]. Despite the increasing market for solar energy applications, there are fewer signs that the government is expecting to include solar PV in the national electricity mix in any substantial way in the future

[1] Obadia Kyetuza Bishoge: The Potential Renewable Energy for Sustainable

Development in Tanzania: A Review, 2018 accessed at : https://www.mdpi.com/2571-8797/1/1/6/pdf#:~:text=Tanzania%20has%20a%20lot%20of,are%20environmental%20friendly%20%5B1%5D.

[2] https://www.trade.gov/energy-resource-guide-tanzania-renewable-energy

[3] https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2020/06/global-clean-energy-investment-research/

[4] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/aug/01/african-nations-set-to-make-the-case-for-big-rise-in-fossil-fuel-output#:~:text=African%20nations%20expected%20to%20make%20case%20for%20big%20rise%20in%20fossil%20fuel%20output,-Exclusive%3A%20leaders%20expected&text=Leaders%20of%20African%20countries%20are,documents%20seen%20by%20the%20Guardian.

[5] Tanzania Invest. Tanzania Has High Potential For Renewable Energy Projects, US Consulting Firm Indicates. TanzaniaInvest. 2015. Available online: https://www.tanzaniainvest.com/energy/tanzaniahas-high-potential-for-renewable-energy-re-projects (accessed on 15 April 2018).

[6] Kasasi, A.; Kainkwa, R. Assessment of wind energy potential for electricity generation in Setchet, Hanang, Tanzania. Tanz. J. Sci. 2002, 28, 1–7.

[7] Energy Charter Secretariat. Tanzanian Energy Sector under the Universal Principles of the Energy Charter. 2015. Available online: https://energycharter.org/fileadmin/DocumentsMedia/CONEXO/20150827- Tanzania_Pre-Assessment_Report.pdf (accessed on 8 May 2018)

[8] The Minister of Energy. The Speech of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals on the Estimates of the Revenue and Expenditure for Financial Year 2018/2019. 2018. Available online: https://www.nishati.go.tz/hotubaya-bajeti-ya-wizara-ya-nishati-kwa-mwaka-2018-19/ (accessed on 15 January 2018)

[9] The Economist. A World Turned Upside Down—Renewable Energy. 2017. Available online: https://www. economist.com/briefing/2017/02/25/a-world-turned-upside-down (accessed on 4 May 2018).

[10] Sarakikya, H. Renewable energy policies and practice in Tanzania: Their contribution to Tanzania economy and poverty alleviation. Int. J. Energy Power Eng. 2015, 4, 333. [CrossRef]

[11] https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/33pc-of-Tanzanians-have-access-to-electricity–report/1840340-3900298-9elccaz/index.html

Tanzania’s removal of penalties on transfer pricing: What did government seek to achieve?
Tanzania Finance Hon Mwigulu Nchemba

In this year’s (2021/22) budget speech Tanzania’s Minister for Finance, Mr Mwigulu Nchemba, made a surprising announcement that government would/had scrapped the 100% penalty for transfer pricing. The announcement was surprising as transfer pricing or mispricing in international transactions and currently a point of discussion globally as one of the leading enablers of illicit financial out flows and capital flight from developing and extractive rich countries.  From a Tax justice perspective, the government’s decision was received as a slight slip in the gains scored over the past 10 years.

According to Global Financial Integrity (GFI) and the Mbeki High-Level Panel Report on IFFs latest reports, shows that IFF’s from the African continent have been increasing with losses estimated between USD50 Million and USD 80 Million over the past years. Corruption and the extractive sector has constantly provided a major conduit for tax avoidance and illicit resource outflow from Africa

Transfer pricing is an accounting practice that represents the price that one branch, subsidiary or division in a company charges another branch, subsidiary or division for goods and services provided. Transfer pricing allows for the establishment of prices for the goods and services exchanged between a subsidiary, an affiliate or commonly controlled companies that are part of the same larger enterprise.

A transfer price is based on market prices in charging another division, subsidiary, or holding company for services rendered. Transfer pricing can lead to tax savings for corporations.  However, companies have used inter-company transfer pricing to reduce the tax burden of the parent company. Companies charge a higher price to divisions in high-tax countries (reducing profit) while charging a lower price (increasing profits) for divisions in low-tax countries.  This is what is also often referred to as transfer mispricing which is problematic for tax collection purposes. We have discussed this concept in detail via another publication via: https://gepc.or.tz/how-to-curb-transfer-pricing-tax-dodging-and-illicit-financial-flows-in-extractive-sector/

Why were heavy penalties imposed in Tanzania’s statutes?

Heavy penalties were imposed for transfer pricing  in Tanzania’s tax statutes because many companies dodged taxes through complex structures and subsidiaries in foreign jurisdictions which made it difficult or impossible for government to track transactions for tax purposes.

According to Financial Secrecy Index (2018) reported that Tanzania lost billions of shillings through potential transfer arrangements between mining companies.

The government was not explicit why it had taken this dramatic decision and therefore left experts and civil society actors bewildered and speculating. The reasons given were pointing towards improving Tanzania’s investment climate. The investment motive was more than the tax revenue imperative.

The potential hefty penalty for transfer mispricing was an inhibiting factor for attracting foreign investments as companies feared or found it difficult to structure their businesses with an international network of subsidiaries and branches anchored to Tanzania making sourcing for foreign financing and sourcing or procurement difficult.

The difficulties in determining market price or an arms price in transactions between related parties and establishing without any iota of doubt whether a given transaction was a mispricing arrangement and illicit in the face of Tanzania’s statute may have been another factor.

The Minister made another drastic announcement.  Effective 2021/22 the Minister responsible for finance was empowered to grant tax exemptions on specific projects without full cabinet approval.

The Minister proposes to restore the power of the Minister to grant income tax exemption on projects funded by the government on specific projects, grants and concessional loans if there is an agreement between the donor or lender with the government providing for such exemption. The measure would streamline and make it efficient for such exemptions to be provided as it has been a pain sticking point for many projects.

The government was attempting to address bureaucracy in approving exemptions and waivers which was a major stumbling blocks to investment and vitality to the success of some strategic projects. This was certainly a welcomed change for players in the construction and large-scale investment projects. At the time of presenting the budget some big and strategic projects were in offing. These included the OreCorp Nyazanga Gold Mine project in Mwanza, Kabanga Nickel project, the ongoing Standard Gauge Railway project and the East African Oil Company project (EACOP). The government announced a specific exemption of VAT on imported and local purchases of goods and services for East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). The government aimed to ensure the costs of EACOP are minimised.

However, by doing this, the government is walking a very tight rope and contentious terrain with a significant risk of returning to bedeviled fiscal policy regime era which dogged its tax revenue collection efforts in the early 2000s.  Hon Jerry Slaa, Member for Parliament for Ukonga Constituency in Dar es Salaam posted a passionate that perhaps the Minister may have been deceived or even this dangerous paragraph may have been smuggled into the Minister’s Speech. He passionately appealed to the Minister does not sign off this years financial appropriation bill which this provision. It is a dangerous route to take with potential risks.

In our opinion, for these latest decisions to be effective government will have to

  1. Strengthen its monitoring and surveillance capacity to ensure the international companies do not structure their operations and tax arrangements in a manner that facilitates tax avoidance and evasion.
  2. Strengthen its (TRA’s) International Tax department to detect in advance and reverse any transactions of a potential transfer pricing arrangement before they happen.
  3. Improving data collection capabilities to establish the true arm’s length price for potentially contentious transactions, such e-commerce, services, and intellectual property.
  1. Increase transparency around exemption by perhaps requesting the Minister to publish the list of all exempted projects and values within a short period of 30-90 days after approval, clearly stating the purpose and rationalisation for the exemption.
  2. Retain some mechanism for punishment for noncompliance to the commensurate level deterrent enough to the induce compliance.

Highlights of Tanzania’s Budget 2021/22

Projected Total Budget 36.6% Trln (3.2% increase) Domestic 26.0 Trln (72%)
Expected GDP Growth 5.6% Grants 2.9 Trln (8%)
Inflation forecast 3.3% Development 13.3 Trln
Tax to GDP ratio 13.5% from 12.9% (2020/21 Recurrent 23.0 Trln
Debt to GDP ratio projections 37.3% Domestic Loans 5.0 Trln (14%)
Projected Budget Outturn 2020/21 86% – 95% External Loans 2.4 Trln (6%)

** The key challenge to government will be to raise domestic revenues in the face of shrinking grants and concessional loans and the COVID 19 pandemic which is stiff affecting key sectors such as tourism.

Uganda-Tanzania East Africa Oil Pipeline: signed deal yes, but hurdles lie ahead.

Samia, Museveni witness pipeline project final actsThe East African Oil Pipeline project received significant boots in April 2021 with Uganda with a series of key oil infrastructure related agreements signed between the government of Uganda and Tanzania and the oil companies for the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project to transport crude from Uganda to the Tanzania port of Tanga.

According to the government communications, these agreements signal Final Investment Decision (FID) which could be announced soon with production, expected around 2025. There has been already significant work going on at the oil sites in Hoima and as one of the Company officials remarked, work has started. The project is very important to the East Africa region as it promises great economic benefits to the governments and their citizens in the form of jobs, revenues, and other associated economic linkages.

Despite this rekindled hope, shortly after the signing of these agreements, it was evident that multiple uncertainties still lie ahead.

The details of the signed agreements remained undisclosed and technical experts involved in the negotiations remained secret on essential information on key fiscal terms surrounding the tariffs.

The project financing arrangement remains a quagmire.  Few days after signing of the agreements, several banks in France where the lead investor Total is based announced that they were staying away from the financing of the pipeline. The French banks included, BNP Paribas, Société’ Générale and Credit Agricole, Credit Suisse of Switzerland, ANZ of Australia and New Zealand and Barclays.

According to earlier government reports, The Standard Bank of South Africa, China’s ICBC and SMBC of Japan are lead advisors of the EACOP financing. These were under immense pressure from their counterparts Bank Track, Reclaim Finance and Energy Voice for what they described as pushing responsible financing of projects worldwide. According to these banks and activists EACOP’s environmental credentials were failing.

The Uganda government announced that it was not bothered by announcement, describing it as not new. However, the announcement by the banks signalled that the project could be still facing serious negative diplomacy from environmental activists and other political interested actors regionally and globally.

President Museveni described the project and the agreement signing occasion as an act economic liberation. This followed the political liberation which in his view happened some decades ago when Tanzania helped exiled Uganda political groups to take power in Uganda and change the course of history. With the hurdles still to overcome, it was evident that perhaps the financial, environmental, and political woes were not over, and the project was yet to fully get on track.

Were 2020/21 National Budgets Ceremonial? A commentary of how this year’s budgets missed the Bigger Picture

National budgets are statements of how the government plans to raise and spend public money. They are based on fundamental economic parameters which inform planning.  Looking at the budget proposals and given the unusual current economic realities that the Finance Ministers found themselves in, this year’s budget can be described as largely ceremonial after all. In This brief commentary, we show why.

By Moses Kulaba; Governance and economic analysis centre

On Thursday, 11th June 2020, the Finance Ministers in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda presented their annual budget estimates for the year 202/21.  While Tanzania pitched its budget as one for nurturing industrialisation for economic transformation and human development, the Kenyan Budget was presented as a budget for growth while Uganda’s budget was presented as one for consolidation and continuity towards achieving the Five-year development plan.

Conservatively defined, a national budget is a statement of how government plans to raise and spend revenue or public money collected from various domestic and external sources. Domestically, the government largely raises revenues through taxation and externally through borrowing and grants.

Looking at the budget proposals and given the unusual current economic realities that the Finance Ministers found themselves in, this year’s budgets can be described as largely ceremonial after all.  The macro economic parameters of which the budget projections were based are hollow when subjected to the test of COVID 19. There were all indications that the Ministers would soon come back to parliament asking for supplementary budgets before the end of this financial year.

Indeed, the Finance Minister, Mathia Kasaija told Uganda’s Parliamentarians, that the COVID 19 pandemic had necessitated changes to the budget and he would come back seeking  approval for a supplementary budget to reflect the true realities. A similar sentiment was echoed by Kenyan legislators and policy experts, who expected the Treasury Minister, Mr Ukur Yatani, to return to parliament sooner than later with a more aligned budget.

The Daily Nation newspaper summed up the Kenyan National proposals as a ‘Budget for bad times’, while the Kenyan Standard described it’s a ‘Nightmare budget’, stressed with Corona virus, lost jobs, empty coffers, shrinking revenues, huge debts, funding gaps, which all combined to under cut the treasury’s ambitions. In summary, the budget added more pain to the already suffering Kenyans.

So what was contained in the budgets which make them peculiar, largely symbolic and ceremonial.

Key items of the budget frames

Budget Item Kenya Tanzania Uganda
Economic Growth projections 2.5 % 5.5% 3.1%
Total Proposed  Budget 3.4trln ($27Bln) 34.88tln ($20bln) 45tln ($12Bln)
Domestic Revenue 2.79trln 24.07trln 25.5trln
Deficit ( to be financed thru external borrowing, grants and other measures) 840.6bln (7.5% of GDP) 10.81trln 20 trln
Latest National Debt &  Debt to GDP 63% (6.4trln) 55.43tln (27.1%) USD 13.3bln (Approx 43.6%)  

 

From the figures and proposals contained in the budget speeches, it was evident that the finance Ministers were reading from a script of optimism and perhaps missed a big picture.  Tony Watima, an economist writing for the Standard Newspaper’s ‘Business daily’ concluded that positioning of the Kenyan budget as pro-growth was misguided. Stabilisation should have been the tenor of this year’s National budgets.

The East African was franker in its editorial when it wrote; ‘Finance Ministers owe Citizens the truth on budgets’. The Editor noted that despite the unusual circumstances, the Finance Ministers struck an optimistic positive, calculate perhaps to lift the spirits of a region weighed down by the ripple effects of varying levels of COVID 19 related to lockdowns.

Given, the recent changes to the budget policy and public finance requirement, clearly the Finance Ministers, perhaps could be excused. They were caught between the law and COVID 19, the Finance Ministers found themselves in a tight corner. Having prepared the budget statements before March, they had to present what they had.

The Kenyan Constitution, for example, requires the government treasury to disclose to the public spending plans two months before the end of the financial year. In Kenya, a court ruling directed that the treasury publishes the finance bill earlier so parliament can debate in parliament. The Annual Budget Policy Statement (“the BPS”) was issued in February 2020 and as the CS rightly pointed out, the economic environment had vastly changed from what they found themselves in June. Similarly, in Tanzania and Uganda, the budget policy framework papers were passed months ago.

Realities of COVID 19 on the economies

The negative realities of COVID 19 on the economies are everywhere.  The key economic sectors have all been affected. Within a short span of three months, nearly 1 million Kenyans had lost jobs, several companies had closed operations while many were on the edge. Revenue collections had plummeted and some revenue streams were on the verge of total disappearance. Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy was in free fall with rising unemployment and disruption in major economic sectors. Uganda’s economic fundamentals were in tatters while Tanzania appeared to live in self-denial of the current and long-term adverse economic effects of COVID 19. The Minister admitted that COVID19 had affected the economy but was upbeat that measures had been taken to circumvent the pandemic.

Kenya’s Finance Minister was more optimistic with an estimate of the growth at 2.5% in 2020 and 5.8% in 2021. Pre-the pandemic the economy was projected to grow at 6.1% up from 5.4% in 2019. The IMF projected that global economies were expected to contract by as much as 3% growing to 5.8% in 2021 and Kenya was expected to grow at 1% in 2020.  Kenya’s revenue collection by April 2020 was Ksh 20.1 Billion-lower than the same month last year and below target. The fiscal deficit in 2019 was 8.3% up from 6.3% in 2018.

In Uganda revenue collection by April 2020 fell by Ush789.8bln below targeted Ush1.8trln. This was the largest deficit ever recorded in a single month. With the lockdowns, there was no way URA could meet its target. Tourism and business sector was largely affected.  80% of agricultural businesses and 41 Manufacturing had reduced production and employment. Yet, these contribute to the largest share of tax revenue. Agriculture accounts for 45% of exports and employs 64% of all Ugandans. Uganda expected to receive US128bln grants from donors but had only received Ush28bln. All projections were below target.

In Tanzania, the affected areas included tourism, business (wholesale and retail), traditional export crops such as cotton, cashew nuts and coffee. On 8th of June, just three days to the budget day, Tanzania’s Dar es Salaam Stock Exchange (DSE) recorded zero tradings at its equities counter. This signified an economy under distress and barely recovering from loses of COVID 19. Yet, Tanzania’s Finance Minister projected an increase in revenue collections from 14.0% in 2019/20 to 14.7% in 2020/21.

Response measures are taken

The governments undertook some fiscal and tax administration reforms and provided some stimulus packages aimed at cushioning the economies against the pandemic. However, when deeply analysed, the measures were based on shaky economic grounds, expensive in revenue foregone, difficult to achieve and can not guarantee to reverse the negative impacts of COVID 19.

Summary of some COVID 19 related response measures taken in 2020/21 budgets

Kenya Tanzania Uganda
Concessional Loans from External Lenders (IMF & WB) amounting to USD 739Mln and USD1Bln Negotiated debt relief of USD14.3Mln and potentially up to USD25.7Mln under IMF Catastrophe Containment Relief fund. Ongoing negotiations with other donors Concessional Loans (IMF & WB) –USD100Mln in 2020 and 90 Mln in 2021 and negotiation for debt relief.
Reduction of CBR from 8.25% to 7% and Cash Reserve Ration from 5.25% to 4.25%-Releasing 35bln to commercial banks Reduction of BoT Discount rate from 7% to 5% , Lowering statutory Minimum Reserve Rate (SMR) from 7% to 6% Reduce BoU Central Bank Rate from 9% to 8%
Turn over tax rates reduced from 3% to 1%, Allowance for restructuring and rescheduling of distressed loans by commercial banks and lenders Reduce the cost of Mobile Money transactions by Increasing daily minimum transfers from 3Mln to 5Mln and Minimum balance from 5mln to 7 Mln Extension of time to file Income taxes or presumptive tax  for six months
KSH 10 Bln for Kazi Mtaani Vijana Program targeting 200,000 youth, recruitment of teachers and health workers Zero-rating of import duty on raw materials for COVID 19 Manufacturers sanitizers, PPE Masks Local Manufacture and purchase of PPE for free distribution to all Ugandans
Reduction of VAT from 16% to 14%, Reduction of Corporate tax from 30% to 25% 100% allowable deductions on contributions in support of government’s COVID 19 response Ush130bln for vulnerable but able-bodied persons affected by COVID19
Reduction of PAYE for low earners of up to Ksh 24,000 per month Allowing loan restructuring and rescheduling, VAT exemption on Agricultural Crop insurance Ush1.045bln to UDB for low-interest credit to manufacturers agribusiness
500 mln for purchase of locally made hospital beds and 600mln for purchase of the locally assembled vehicles Abolishment of over 144 levies charged by MDA and Local Authorities for an improved business environment. Ush138 to UDC to facilitate public-private import substitution investment
Ksh18.3bln to support local manufacturing, 3bln for Agric Credit Guarantee schemes, 400 million in food and non food commodities to household affected by COVID 19 Subventions to TANAPA, NCAA, TMWA to meet their operational expenses,  Increase minimum threshold of Primary SACCOS liable to income tax for 50,000,000 to 100,000,000 Provide Credit through SACCOs and Micro-Finance Institutions

 

What was missed?

The plans and fiscal reforms were taken as if the economy would be normal.

The trend shows that the finance Ministers planned normally and even increased their budgets estimates, despite the odds and indications that the outturns were likely to be suppressed by COVID 19. The law firm Bowman’s noted that Budget speeches did not necessarily provide any solutions to the perineal challenges the countries faced and in some ways simply repeated what we have heard before.

What have been the budget trends?

Country 2017/18 2018/19 2019/20 2020/21
Kenya Ksh 2.3bln Ksh 2.5bln Ksh3 trln Ksh 3.4trln
Tanzania Tsh 31.7trln Tsh32.4trln Tsh 33.11trln Tsh 34.88trln
Uganda Ush 29 trln Ush 32.7 trln Ush 40.487trln Ush45 trln

 

The actual budget out turns has fallen short of projections. Kenya, which is the biggest economy in the region has missed targets for the past eight years. In 2018/19 Tanzania recorded a shortfall in budget outturn only achieving 88% of its targeted revenue collection. Tanzania had collected 26.13trln (93.4%) of its budget by the end of April 2020. Uganda Tax Revenue Authority had perennially missed its targets. In the current environment, it is very unlikely that the economy will bounce back before 2021 and by all accounts, 2020 was going to turn out the tough year.

In Uganda, the budget was not significantly different from the previous Budgets.

Table of Uganda’s sectoral allocations

Sector Allocation Approved Budget 2020/21 % share Approved budget 2019/20 % share
Works  & Transport 5,846.00 12.85% 6,404.60 15.82%
Security 4,584.68 9.90% 3,620.80 8.94%
Interest Payment 4,086.50 8.98% 3,145.20 7.77%
Education 3,624.06 7.97% 3,397.60 8.39%
Health 2,772.91 6.10% 2,589.50 6.40%
Energy & Minerals 2,602.60 5.72% 3,007.20 7.43%

 

In Kenya, the 10 bln stimulus packages offered youth employment under the Ajira Mtaani program appears generous. However, experiences from the past indicate that stimulus packages never trickle down to the real people who need them. This was the case with the maize stimulus package passed during the maize shortages in 2017. The scandals that have rocked the National Youth Service program for years further underscored the weakness of Kenyan institutions in managing affirmative budget programs such as these. Kenya’s imposition of tax on pensioners was clearly off the mark as it indicated that perhaps the government was robbing from the elderly to reward the youth and wealthy.

The agricultural sector which had already been devastated by the floods and locusts a received a raw deal in Kenya and Uganda. The post-COVID 19 scenario presents the region with significant food insecurity. There is likely for a surge in food prices, squeezing further on the household incomes.

Yet, in Uganda, the Ush 1.3trln (2.9%) budget allocated to the agricultural sector was equivalent to that allocated to Uganda’s Public administration. Uganda’s Parliament accounted for Ush 667.78bln equivalent to half of the total budget allocated to the Agricultural sector. 

As Ms Salaam Musumba, a Ugandan political activist said, people, expected a clean cut for political niceties such as for conferences, meetings, benchmarking on foreign travels, health care abroad, etc. However, this was not reflected in the budgets.

In Kenya, the Governors, MCAs and their political handlers account for a substantive portion of the recurrent budget. Kenya’s parliament received a budget twice that of the entire Judiciary. In 2020/21 some political offices such as that of former Prime Minister even received 100% budget (Ksh 71.9Mln) allocations for first time since they were created.

Generally, East African public services are bloated with public servants and money guzzling politicians and their handlers, who have become too expensive for governments to carry, yet, politically costly to offload. As a net effect, the recurrent expenditures have increased tremendously to take care of this political baggage and the entities associated with this. The Finance Ministers could do nothing to reduce taxpayers of this burden.

In Tanzania, the government did not provide much booster to the tourism sector which is a leading foreign earner. The sector has faced the largest hit from COVID 19. The government instead took away powers to collect tourism-related revenues from the authorities Tanzania National Parks Authority (TANAPA), Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), Tanzania Wildlife Management Authority(TWMA) to Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA). The revenues collected from these authorities would be directly remitted to the consolidated Fund and disbursed back through normal government budget channels. The government would provide some subventions to keep the operational and development expenses of the authorities afloat.

The Finance Minister acknowledged that Tanzania’s flagship projects aimed at putting Tanzania back to a spurring economic path faced 11 risks including COVID 19, which had affected the global economies and financing environment. The government planned to raise and spend Tsh 12.78 trln (27%) of the budget on mega infrastructure projects. According to the Minister, an evaluation conducted in April showed that the Country had not been badly affected by the pandemic, allowing it to raise its growth forecasts and maintain firm financing for its mega-development projects.

However, the truth is that the real impacts of COVID 19 on countries such as Tanzania, which are not interlinked to the global financial systems take a while to be registered and will likely be evident in the 4th Quarter of this financial year and 1st to 2nd Quarter of the new financial year 2020/21 as distressed economic sectors and business begin filling distressed tax returns for income and corporate tax purposes.

Political –economy risks underestimated

The budgets underestimated the political risks that were associated with the national general elections taking place in Tanzania (2020) and Uganda (2021) during this year’s financial year. Election seasons are largely characterised with politicking and less to production. Investment decisions and external donor commitments tend to be staggered as foreign investors and donors weigh the political barometer and wait for the electoral results and policy directions of the new government.

The electoral environment in East Africa has often been adversarial and conflictual. In Uganda and Kenya, the political environment before and during elections is often characterised with political turbulence and violence to the extent that the fundamentals of the economy, such as insecurity and government paralysis rocks the key production and business sectors of the economy.

Although, the Kenya general elections will take place in 2022, the political tension that characterises Kenya’s electoral politics had been building before being slowed down by the COVID 19 in March. It is likely as soon the lockdowns are eased, Kenyan politicians will be back to their usual political tirades and overtures. Tanzania’s Finance Minister acknowledged that political instability in the neighbouring countries, region and globally was an external risk. It did not acknowledge that it was an internal risk too and did not provide any mitigation against this risk on the economy and investment in 2020/21.

Clearly, the budgets were based on a positive scenario that COVID 19 would end soon. But given the trends, we can ably project that the journey of return to full economic recovery will be quite long. The likely upturn under a suppressed Corona Virus environment would be towards the third quarter of 2021.

Under a suppressed COVID 19 situation, the economy was still expected to shrink further by 1%.  In a worst-case scenario, the economies would shrink by at least 2% significantly affecting the key revenues sources. Governments would lose further revenue through the stimulus packages offered. For example, Kenya expected to lose cumulatively Ksh172bln to cushion vulnerable Kenyans and the economy from the vagaries of COVID19.

It was no wonder that the editor for the East African concluded, that coming against a backdrop of a back to back missed targets by the taxman and uncertainty around COVID 19 and global economy, this year’s budgets are either based on an informed optimism or simply a bluff. We conclude that this year’s budget estimates were symbolic and the Ministers would return.

Recommendations or take waypoints for budget stakeholder.

  • Tax Payers-Ready for engagement with government on real measures that will save
  • Investors- Take precautionary measure and monitoring the economic trends, avoid taking decisions which will worsen the situation further.
  • Governments-Remain conservative in expenditure and open for re-negotiation with taxpayers and adjustments of the budgets to fit the unusual 2021
  • Citizens- Expect changes in the budgets as the effects of COVID 19 bite harder, minimise luxurious consumption and expect a tight budget.

Indeed, as noted by the legendary Economist and tax theorist Adam Smith:

There is no art which one government sooner learns than that of draining money from the pockets of People-Adam Smith

National Budgeting amidst COVID 19:Why 2020/21 National budgets should be revised and steps government could take

COVID 19 has been known for many reasons but for Tanzania and East African governments in general, the pandemic arrived at a very wrong time. Coming in the middle of national economic planning and budgeting for the 2020/21 financial year, the pandemic has totally ripped apart as much as it can all the basic economic fundamentals that governments had banked on in projecting their 2020/21 revenue and economic growth forecasts.

By Moses Kulaba, Governance and economic analysis center

Developed close to five years ago as Five Year National Development Plans, as they are known, the plans were modelled based on a myriad of positive assumptions and designed to achieve stellar economic growth targets.

According to the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Tanzania’s economy was projected to grow at 6.9%. Kenya projected to grow by 6.2% while Uganda expected an outstanding growth of 6.3% during the 2020/21. But going by the havoc currently wrecked by the COVID 19 pandemic and the global statistics so far it is highly likely that these plans will be significantly affected.

According to the World Bank, the global economy will shrink by 3% in 2020 sending millions deeper into poverty. Sub Saharan Africa’s economic growth is expected to contract from 2.4% in 2019 to between -2.1 and -5.1% in 2020, sparking the region’s first recession in 25 years.

McKinsey & Company forecast that East African economy will shrink by 3% and 1.9% during this financial year. In East Africa, Kenya, under a contained-outbreak scenario, GDP growth could decline from an already reduced 5.2 per cent accounting for the locust invasion earlier this year, to 1.9 per cent.

Under a best-case scenario, Kenya is looking at a reduction in GDP of $3billion while South Africa could be whipped to a GDP growth fall from 0.8 per cent to 2.1 per cent, representing a reduction in GDP of roughly $10 billion, the reports indicate. Other sources such as have even made higher projections that East African economies may shrink by 5.4% in 2019. It is clear now that the economic impacts of the pandemic could be more catastrophic than their health dimension.

Why Tanzania should revise its Budget Estimates

In the 2020/21 budget speech delivered to parliament in March 2020 by Tanzania’s Minister of Finance and Economic Planning the government projected to spend Tsh 34.879.8 billion for the implementation of its final year of the Five-Years National Development Plan (FYDP II) 2016/17-2020/21

The Minister highlighted that the Growth Domestic Product (GDP) had shown a positive trend, increasing at an average of 6.9% per annum for the period between 2016-2019 and government revenue collection had increased. The FYDP II indicates the government targeted to raise annual tax revenue collection from TZS 15,105,100 million during the FY 2016/17 to TZS 25,592,631 million during FY 2020/21, which translates into an increase in tax revenue to GDP ratio of 15.9 per cent by 2020.

Although the period between July 2019 and January 2020 witnessed revenue collection targets hitting high levels with TZS 10.62 trillion, which is about 97% of the target for that period which was TZS 10.96 trillion, It is sufficient to anticipate that revenue collection starting the fourth quarter of 2019/20 will experience significant decrease as a result of COVID-19 impact in the economy.

The budget ceilings for the financial year 2020/21 indicate a 5% increase of the national budget from TZS 33,105.4 billion in 2019/20 to TZS 34,879.8 billion in 2020/21. The budget proposals presented in March 2020 by the Minister of Finance and Planning for 2020/21 projected raising domestic revenue collection from TZS 23.05 trillion in 2019/20 to TZS 24.07 trillion in 2020/21 which will be equivalent to 69% of the total budget estimates.

This is despite the clear indications that the 2020/21 budget will experience serious shortfalls never experienced before.  The evidence from the economic shocks encountered so far with the closure of business, transport restrictions and exports such as horticulture, suggest tell that the current government’s economic plans and revenue projections for 2020/21 could be quite zealous and perhaps needed review.

According to the African Development Bank’s (East Africa Economic outlook report for 2019) economic growth in Tanzania and East Africa, in general, has been driven by tourism, services, agriculture and consumption sectors.  Tourism and services sector in Kenya and Tanzania grew and maintained an upward trend for the past five years.

All these vital sectors have been significantly affected and will centris pari bus record negative growth in their last and first quarters of 2020. Both the formal and the informal sector have been massively hit by this global pandemic. The economy will undoubtedly shrink substantially and therefore this should be reflected in the 2020/21 national budgets.

Global projections show that travel, hospitality and services sector will significantly be affected. Kenya, the regional economic powerhouse has so far downgraded key sectors such as the tourism sector to projected growth of about 2% in 2019 and this could even worse.

According to the World Tourism Council, the direct and indirect contribution of tourism was 14% of Tanzania’s GDP in 2014 with USD 6.7bn. This was expected to rise by 6.6% annually in the next 10 years, according to the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC).

According to the Bank of Tanzania Monthly Economic Review report, the tourism industry was the main source of foreign exchange receipts by Tanzania in 2018. In the MER report for the year ending December 2018, travel earnings (dominated by tourism) increased due to a rise in the number of tourist arrivals. The earnings reached US$2.44 billion from US$2.25 billion tabled in the same period the previous year.

The total receipts from services recorded a positive trend due to also the increase in the transport sector, which rose from $1.14 billion in 2017 to $1.22 billion in 2018.  MER reported that following an increase in travel and transport foreign receipts, the total foreign exchange receipt from services was $4.01 billion in the year to December 2018, an increase of $182.8 million from the amount registered in the corresponding period in 2017

“Transport receipt increased due to growth in the volume of transit goods to and from neighbouring countries particularly Zambia, DRC, Rwanda and Burundi partly contributed by improved competitiveness at the DSM port, including removal of Value Added Tax on auxiliary services of transit cargo, the bank reported.

The current lockdowns and travel restrictions in the neighbouring countries clearly indicate that these gains will be thrown out of the equation.

Zanzibar as a major tourist destination will be significantly affected and this will pull down the overall national economic growth of the sector and its impacts on the country.

Production and consumption will equally be affected by the economic lockdowns, staff layoffs and economic distress as disposable incomes shrink and consumer’s marginal propensities to spend drastically reduce.

Agriculture which has always been taunted as the backbone of the economy will also be affected by the menacing locusts, floods and disruptions in agricultural chains for inputs and domestic and export markets. Lending towards the sector will likely be affected and large scale production curtailed. The net effect in the wake of this will be potentially increased food insecurity, high prices (food inflation) and famine in large parts of the country.

Government costs of health care and treatment will significantly increase, drawing away resources from investment in other social and development sectors. According to public health experts, COVID 19 is one of the most expensive diseases to treat. It draws a lot of resources as it requires specialized facilities, expertise and treatment to deal per capita patient.

The financial sector will be distressed. Non-performing loans have increased and will increase significantly in defaults, distressed assets and foreclosure. The government could be a net loser too as banks, entities and individuals experience financial squeeze, fall back in tax payments and doing with on matters financial such as the purchase of government fiduciary instruments, such as treasury bills.

The industrialization agenda mooted by the government five years ago will significantly be affected as foreign capital to investment becomes difficult to mobilise. The major source countries of FDI inflows into Tanzania such as China, Europe and the United States and South Africa have been the epicentres of the pandemic and struggled to cope.

The turbulence in the global stock markets in the key financial centres such as New York, Tokyo, Frankfurt and London has worsened the situation further as major companies saw their net value and investments wiped within a short span of two months. The balance sheets and bottom lines of major companies shrunk significantly and remain extremely stressed. During and immediately after the COVID 19, investors and companies will be conservative to invest en masse and choosy in which markets and type of business they invest.

It is based on these realities that the Governance and Economic Policy Center and other Civil Society Organisations (under the umbrella of Tanzania Tax Justice Coalition) caution that the government needs to be precautionary in its projections and conservative in its estimates. As stated above that chances for the economy to shrink and domestic revenue mobilisation will adversely be impacted. It is likely that investment and revenues from key sectors such as tourism, construction and the extractive sector will likely be affected.

What governments should do

  1. Revise the previous and current budget projections to take care of the negative effects that COVID 19 will have on the economy and revenue mobilisation. (The World Bank and IMF both project that the African economy will shrink between 1.9% -3%). The new budget projections should factor this into their models to avoid a serious shortfall.
  1. Reduce VAT from the current 18% to 16% for the year 2020/21 to encourage production, tax rebates for manufacturers producing products for fighting Covid19, such as sanitisers, soap, masks and a well-reduced price for products hence increasing the purchasing power by consumers.
  1. The government should suspend all debt payments and re-negotiate future debt servicing in the context of COVID-19.
  1. Businesses and self-employed individuals in sectors hard-hit by the crisis or with serious repayment difficulties related to it should be allowed to reschedule their loan repayments or defer payments for a limited period (3 months). This will enable businesses and self-employed individuals in sectors hard-hit by the COVID-19 crisis or with serious repayment difficulties to remain in control.
  1. Halt or pause or stagger large expenditure on some large ongoing and proposed strategic projects such as infrastructure projects this year and reschedule the respective fund to short-term productive sectors for the economy and saving people’s lives.
  1. Set up an emergency fund or reserve fund at the Central bank capable of shielding the economy from the longer effects of COVID- 19 and the CB increase more liquidity into the banks to facilitate cheap lending.
  1. Businesses adversely affected by the COVID-19 should be given temporary tax payment relief in this regard. This should, however, be closely to avoid misuse.
  1. The governments need to earmark existing or additional funds to reinforce all mechanisms to fight COVID-19.
  2. Protect the public and consumers from hoarding, price hikes and disruptions in the supply chain of vital goods and services, which could gradually drift the country into structural inflation, affecting further the poor and extremely economically vulnerable.
  1. Consider pay cuts for highly paid public servants transfer some of these savings towards the national fund to finance COVID 19 response mechanisms
  1. Take measures that shield the private sector from collapse, protect jobs and hence protecting the government’s vital tax base.
  1. External borrowing at this stage to fight COVID-19 could be extremely dangerous as it is not exactly known when the situation will return to normalcy and the economy could be badly beaten after COVID-19 and not able to meet the ability for the government to pay its debt without default.

East African governments have been victims of ambitious budgeting appetites, whose targets are never achieved. According to a review of budget trends by GEPC in 2018/19 showed there were perpetual shortfalls between what was projected and what was collected. The trend showed that budgets estimates had been increasing over the years with every year’s budgets touted as the highest since independence. However, the actual budget out turns had fallen short of projections.

Kenya, which is the biggest economy in the region had missed targets for the past seven years while Uganda was a perpetual budget crusher with key ministry asking for supplementary budgets midway.

In 2018/19 Tanzania recorded a shortfall in budget outturn only achieving 88% of its targeted revenue collection. This was attributed to a number of factors, decline in domestic revenue, tighter global conditions, decline and delayed disbursement in government.

Generally, governments were net beggars, relying heavily on domestic and external borrowing to fill their budget deficits. Very little was saved. For this year, the signs are all over that the economies are glaring into the abyss. Cautionary budgeting could save the economies from further meltdown.

 

SADC in Economic Meltdown; Can Tanzania be German of the Region?

On Saturday 17th August, Tanzania assumed the chair of the South African Development Cooperation (SADC), amidst disturbing economic figures indicating that the region was facing a serious economic meltdown. Can Tanzania be the ‘German’ of the region, playing the economic big daddy role by calling the other states into political order and bailing out the struggling member states?

By Moses Kulaba, Governance and Economic Analysis Center, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

The SADC is a 16-member state regional economic block established with among others promoting sustained economic growth and sustainable development amongst its objectives. However, the recent economic data indicates that region is witnessing an economic meltdown with most of its member states, except perhaps Tanzania, positing negative or stunted economic growth over the past years.

According to the economic and social indicators data compiled and released by its secretariat the the SADC region posted an estimated average growth rate of 1.4% in 2016 compared to 2.3% in 2015. At country level Tanzania registered the highest growth of 7% among the member states followed by Botswana with a far below rate of 4.3%[i].  

In 2017 Tanzania recorded an economic growth of 7.1% followed by Seychelles (6.3%) whilst Angola registered negative growth for the second consecutive year in order of 2.5%[ii] The region’s growth was increasing at a decreasing rate since the post global period in 2009.

The region’s economic giant South Africa has witnessed rapid economic slowdown, bring along its small neighbors and trading partners under its weight.  Countries such as Zimbabwe were collapsing under the weight of economic sanctions, Namibia and Angola recorded negative annual real GDP (at market price) of 10.8% and -2.5% respectively in 2017 due to the slump in commodity prices and other related risks. Botswana at 2.4% did not perform well either. The region posted an overall trade deficit with rest of the world of USD6.7bln. 

The AfDB report for 2018 warned that the economic outlook for Southern Africa region was cautious[iii]. Broad based economic activity was expected to recover at slow pace, but the outlook remained modest given the diverging growth patterns for the region’s economies. Upper middle income countries turned in low and declining rates of growth meanwhile lower income transitioning economies recorded moderate and improved growth, albeit at reduced rates.

Despite the improvement, economic performance remained subdued as the region’s economic outlook continued to face major headwinds. High unemployment, weak commodity prices, fiscal strain, increasing debt and high inflation.

Real GDP was estimated to have grown at an average of 1.6% in 2017 before increasing to a projected 2.0% in 2018 and 2.4% in 2019.

The future regional growth was expected to be bolstered with primary expectations of increased investment in non-oil sectors such as electricity, construction and technology in large infrastructure projects, mining as well as continued recovery in commodity prices.

However, the latest figures show that the region was not well on that front either.  The decline in commodity prices in recent years reaching the lowest point in 2015 translated into significant income loses for the economies, implying a negative impact on public and private sector spending and therefore growth in employment.

Before the 2008-2009 global recession, the region experienced moderate growth, though individual countries contributed differently. For example, Angola, Mozambique and Namibia exhibited robust growth that collectively outpaced the regional group.

Thereafter, Angola, the region’s foremost oil producer and former raising economic star received the worst bashing with its economy experiencing adverse economic growth effects due to weak oil prices.

Overall the region experienced negative GDP growth with Swaziland (-10.08%), Zimbabwe (-8.38%),  and Angola (-6.31%)  being among the worst hit[iv]  Other Countries such as Zambia, Namibia , Mozambique and Malawi were not performing better either. South Africa reported the highest public debt soaring in billions dollars followed by Angola.

South African Institute of International Affairs observed that intra-regional investment and trade levels had declined markedly since the commodity slump in 2013. Moreover, the trade and economic growth in the region remained imbalanced, exacerbating political strains among member states. Non-tariff barriers and other factors had adversely affected intra-regional trade and investment in recent years.

Assuming the mantle, at the end of its 39th Summit held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’ President John Pombe Magufuli was furious with against the Secretariat for having not provided adequate and alert to the political leadership that the region was experiencing an economic meltdown with reduced or stunted growth and an expanding trade deficit.

Speaking at the SADC People’s forum on the sidelines of the main summit in Dar es Salaam, the South African Professor, Patrick Bond, described the situation as alarming, catastrophic and turbulent and yet no one was bold enough to speak about it.

He was perhaps communist in view and radical in approach, blaming what he described as the capitalistic enterprise and its puppeteers for under mining economic justice, risking lives of by putting profit before the people and causing climate change whose effects were ravaging SADC but remained quite revolutionary in suggesting that the ordinary people perhaps needed to send a clear signal to its political leadership that all was not okay. The economic fundamentals were tattered and the regional leaders needed to wake, Prof. Bond lectured.

Can Tanzania emerge and become the ‘German’ of the region?

With this state of the Union, the question therefore arose can Tanzania emerge and become the ‘German’ of the region, playing the economic messiah role by providing both political leadership and economic bail out to its neighbors

In 2013 up to 2015 when the European Union experienced economic turbulence, Brussels turned to German to liberate it from the gigantic economic Dracula which was tearing down its economic block and leaving some of its small states indebted and facing bankruptcy. German wrote cheques in financial bailouts, provided guarantees and political prop up for economically struggling states such as Greece, Portugal and Italy.

German relied on its economic prowess and its political might as the industrial central pillar of the European Union. The charismatic leadership of its Chancellor, Ms Angela Merkel, was a distinct asset. Even at the risk of her own political career and constant onslaught from the German far right, Merkel could not tolerate any nonsense and was not ready to allow Europe to fall back.

In the face of the similar economic doldrums which seems now to face SADC, can Tanzania afford such muscle or a German equivalent?

Tanzania has done it before. In the 1960’s until 1990’s when the region was facing serious political, Tanzania pulled up its resources and committed it to the liberation struggle. It hosted training camps and provided pupilage to thousands of liberation fighters. Dar es Salaam became to the political headquarters of Frontline States where the idea of SADC in its current form was initiated and a spring for independence for many of the current South African states.  For some, therefore SADC at 39 years, just came back home.

In assuming the SADC Chairmanship, President Magufuli warned the Secretariat that it will not be business as usual as of now and for the next one year his interest would be to see that resources placed at the disposal of the Secretariat were not spent on conferences but on meaningful tangible projects which benefited the people. Could this be the kind of approach that region needs to take in order to deal with its increasing economic challenges.

An agile kind of leadership which places the people at the heart of politics and fights with cunning shrewdness against corruption, public waste, nepotism and personal drive to accumulate wealth by those in power.

Over the years these have been some of the vices which have dogged the region and bringing the much needed progress to stagnation and ultimate halt in some member states. Comparatively, perhaps the SADC is the largest economic group in Sub-Saharan Africa. With over an estimated population of 337.1 million people in 2017, is larger than its western equivalent, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and obviously bigger than the European Union has a just a fraction of the SADC population yet somehow progress has been considerably steady in the other regions.

According to experts the region was faced by multiple non trade barriers and low intra region trade which still at around 20%.  Technically, speaking, the members are happy to do business with other countries outside the region rather than their economic neighbors partners in SADC. The member states are living alongside each other but not fully economically and trade integrated.

Political uncertainties which has dogged the former economic giants of the region such as South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Angola created fertile conditions negative to investment and economic growth.  The governments lost grip on the economic mantle and directed attention towards managing internal politics and mechanics for political survival.  

Xenophobic attacks in South Africa could have also created a sense of fear and caused disarray in a fragile informal sector which was quietly the driving factor or fulcrum on which the South African economy relied. Crushing cost of electricity, turmoil in the extractive sector and stalemate in the platinum industry in 2016 perhaps were also a contributory factor to South Africa’s political woes. 

Overall, according, to Professor bond, the region was just poorly governed and a new leadership impetus led by the people was necessary to bring back the declining glories

For many years SADC was so much preoccupied on political stability. With good success, it has managed to tackle conflicts and bring peace amongst its member states. Overall, political conflict in the form of civil wars in the region has been declining with all except the DRC reporting any semblance of a conventional Civil war in recent years. 

Even, this has significantly been downgraded in recent years. Currently, there is no severe risk of any threat from any member state to destabilize any other through an arms insurrection. The ongoing conflict in the Eastern DRC is largely a war of survival for the remaining tribal and ethnic elements rather than a fully-fledged military configuration to overall and capture power in the DRC. If it can be dealt with, then perhaps the war in the DRC will be over or significantly reduced to minimal levels in many decades.

The future wars of the SADC will therefore be largely economic and perhaps resource based on key issues such as land, water and control of the real means of production and profit. Acute poverty could be the other driver of the masses towards insurrection. For Tanzania therefore, to take up the German challenge will be a touch endeavor.

Tanzania’s economic benefit or contribution to the region is too minimal. According to trade statistics, Tanzania is among the least exporters to SADC and its overall trade balance with its SADC neighbors was still low. It therefore lacks the economic might of German stature.

Over the past three years Tanzania’s political leadership has commitment itself to building its economy first before looking outside. Cutting back on public waste and flogging its population into line to start paying up taxes to finance its public service and infrastructure ambitions, Tanzania is building its economy from within.

Throughout the 1960s to the 1990s Tanzania sacrificed a lot in order to politically liberate virtually all the SADC member states and yet gained very minimal in return.  Political historians have even have even argued with some level of confidence that Tanzania under developed itself in sacrifice for others to develop. Tanzania would be therefore quite cautious in economic diplomatic terms and perhaps uncomfortable at this moment in giving out too much of what it has acquired over the years to salvage its economic neighbors.

The conditions in the region appear to have turned so bad in the past few years with persistent drought raving across the region only to be replaced by wrecking floods leaving behind famine and death in communities along its way.  Approximately over 1000 people dies in the last floods in Mozambique and Malawi caused by cyclone Idai and Keneth. Millions at a risk of starvation.  Essential infrastructure such as road and bridges connecting rural areas to urban centers and across countries such as the port of Beira are badly battered and incapable of supporting economic productivity.

The region has not been able to attract in Foreign Investment into its natural resource wealth and flagship infrastructure projects such as the Mighty Inga dam electro power project in the DRC which would have brought life into the SADC power master plan have remained incomplete for many years now. The region is badly in need of both reconstruction and reconfiguration to sustain itself and its ambitions.

At the end of the summit Tanzania’s former President Benjamin Mkapa advised that SADC member states should stop relying heavily on foreign donors for aid to support or finance their development agenda. Building internal capacity through a reliable market for products from the block, investment in education, technology, domestic revenue collection and unlocking the potential amongst its budging population to drive the economies forward would be a better option. Perhaps the SADC leadership should fine tune an ear to the wisdom of its elders.

The meeting concluded with signing off of three development cooperation programs worth 47 Million Euro deal with the European Union under its European Development Fund (EDF) 11 financing round. According to official statement, the funds will be used over the next five-year period to support improvement in the Investment and Business Environment (SIBE), Trade Facilitation Program (TFP) and Support to Industrial Productive Sectors (SIPS) three programs to be implemented by the SADC over the next five-year period

The SIBE program aims at achieving sustainable and inclusive growth and job creation by transforming the region into an investment zone, promoting intra-regional investments, foreign Direct Investment and a focus on Small and Medium Enterprises. The TFP will contribute to enhance inclusive economic development in the region through deepened economic integration while the SIPs aimed at contributing to the SADC industrialization agenda, improving performance and growth of selected value chains. How this EU injection translates into lifting the region from its economic downward spiral will yet to be found out at the next summit when SADC turns 40. What is clear is that something has to be done.

[i] SADC: Selected economic and social indicators, 2016

[ii] SADC: Selected economic and social indicators, 2017

[iii] AfDB: Southern Africa Economic Outlook, 2018

[iv] https://countryeconomy.com/countries/groups/southern-african-development-community

WB Reports Tanzania Economic Growth was lower , warns Poverty reduction is Constant

According to the World Bank Group, Tanzania’s economy is estimated to have grown by 5.2 percent in 2018, a figure which is lower and in contrast to the government’s National Bureau of Statistics estimates of 7 percent but still more than the Sub-Saharan Africa average of 2.3 percent.

The Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics reports that real GDP growth was 7%, slightly higher than 6.8 percent in 2016, however, the Wold Bank reported, official demand side data including data related to consumption, investment and net trade suggest that growth softened in 2018. This is according to the WB’s latest Tanzania Economic Update report released in July, 2019 titled ‘’Tanzania Economic Update: Human Capital: The Real Wealth of Nations” 12th Edition
Using demand side data World Bank Staff estimate that real GDP growth from 2018 was 5.2 percent lower than the NBS estimate but still more than double the SSA average of 2.3%.

The softening of consumption growth was supported by Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) data showing lower consumption tax collection as well as tight controls on public consumption expenditures.
The report is quite critical of government’s investment and fiscal performance, whereby it stated that investment growth remains’ dampened as significant under execution of public development plans, lower levels of FDI inflows and improved but relatively low private sector credit growth.

The trade balance also deteriorated in 2018 with exports contracting by 3.9% in gross value and imports increasing by 7.8%
Mid fiscal year accounts for 2018/19 show a low deficit and significant shortfall in both spending and financing which together with high payment arears raise questions about budget credibility. Whereby, the deficit for the first half of the fiscal year was a low 0.7% of GPD against a budgeted 1.6%. The revenue shortfall relative to budget were even larger than spending shortfalls. Domestic revenues especially tax collections under performed by about 12% against mid-year targets and fiscal external financing under performed by more than 80%. As a result, the budget significantly was under executed for capital projects needed for growth and job creation.

Government arears to contractors and supplies to pension funds by utilities such as Tanzania National Electricity Supply Company (TANESCO) to their suppliers remain unsustainable high at an estimated 5.7% of GDP in mid-2018.
The WB also warned that although the level of public debt currently was sustainable, recent changes in its composition raised concerns about liquidity risks.

The external position was challenged by an expanding current account deficit and declining reserves. The exports had fallen partly due to lower cashew nut exports and imports increased because of capital goods imported to supply development projects. The current account deficit had to 5.2% of GDP for the 12 months ending January, 2019 up from 3.2 percent a year earlier.

Reforms to relieve the regulatory burdens on business was moving slowly. According to the WB government had introduced abruptly new laws affecting mining, public –private partnership and statistics that had raised private sector concerns about policy predictability.
High population growth was undermining the reduction of poverty. Despite efforts between 2007 and 2016 that had reduced the Country’s poverty rate from 34.4% to 26.8% the absolute number of poor people had remained at about 13 million due to high population growth.

Although the most recent poverty measures based on the Household Budget Survey of 2017/18 was still being processed, it seemed likely that the downward trend poverty rate continued but had become more gradual, the WB stated.
The WB report figures raise further controversy on the accuracy in generation of Tanzania’s statistical figures and throw a spanner into the ongoing debate among stakeholders on which statistics should be considered as credible for planning purposes.

The government maintains that its statistics are credible and should be quoted as official and in 2018 passed a law (The Statistics Act of 2018) to enforce this. The Act made it a criminal offence to invalidate, distort or discredit any official data or to collect and publish any statistics which contradicted statistics from the NBS.

However, this law faced criticism from different actors arguing that it gives undue monopoly to government in generating statistical figures and limits room for debate and criticism of official data which may have some errors or generation of alternative statistical data by independent private entities and organisations. Some amendments were made in June to relax on some of the stringent provisions but the Act still requires some kind approval from the NBS.
The report raises significant concerns and challenges on the state of the economy and progress of reforms to improve the business and investment environment.

The latest reported figures which contradicts some of government’s official statistics and economic progress perhaps should serve as a wakeup call to the government to reassess its figures and provide clarity.

No fiddling with Civic Space-CSOs affirm at Paris EITI Meeting

We demand that an independent, external review be commissioned to analyse the EITI’s tools to assess civil society participation; and we demand that Myanmar receive “meaningful” rather than “satisfactory” progress during its validation

By Governance and economic analysis centre team, Paris

At the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) global conference which took place in Paris between 17th and 20th of June 2019, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) warned governments accross the world and vowed that they will not accept anything less than an unequivocal guarantee that Civic space and participation in EITI governance processes will continue to be safe guarded and protected.

This followed what CSOs described as an encroachment on Civic space by selective interpretation and application of the EITI standard.

A collective statement issued by the global CSO extractive transparence movement coordinated by Publish What you Pay observed that Civic space is shrinking worldwide, including many EITI Countries. Civil society is carefully monitoring the situation and gravely concerned with what we see.

The EITI is a global standard for good governance for the oil, gas and mineral resources currently implemented in 52 Countries around the world.

In recent board decisions, the board has taken what CSO view as a double standard or non-balanced approach in interpreting the standard. We have seen some Countries punished for violating the CSO protocol while others are treated with ‘kid gloves’

The Standard requires that member states undergo regular validation on implementation of the EITI Standard after which implementing states are ranked as having achieved either satisfactory or made meaningful progress or suspended for failure to meet the standards. Under extreme conditions countries are delisted from the EITI. The status of the EITI in different implementing Countries can be viewed via:  https://eiti.org/

The Civil society protocol is one of the benchmarks required to be assessed during the EITI validation and implementing countries are required to demonstrate that the operational environment in the country is conducive for civil Society to freely operate and participate in the extractive sector governance.

To achieve accountable management of natural resource citizens must have access to relevant information about the sector is managed. EITI’s main historical purpose is to provide this transparency. Civil Society has been a driving force behind progress in the types of transparency and granularity of data provided by the EITI over the years, most recently with advocacy on contract transparency.

Transparency should be accompanied by meaningful participation. Participation is about the ability of people to have agency in natural resource governance decisions that directly affect them or their livelihoods.

How to interpret and enforce EITI requirements for civil society participation has been contentious and recurring over years. It has been debated in relation to a number of countries such as Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Azerbaijan and Niger. In recent years both Azerbaijan and Niger have withdrawn from the EITI after facing suspension linked to Civic space concerns.

Several times have been made to clarify the interpretation and enforcement of civil society participation; notably with 2015 civil society protocol.

These documents make it clear that EITI is meant to assess the general political environment and that EITI requirements cover any civil society expressing views related to natural resources government (not just MSG-Members) along a spectrum of activities, expression, operation, association engagement and access to public decision making.

None the less, interpreting and enforcing EITI’s requirements regarding civic space remains contentious, more recently with the validation of Myanmar.

Against a backdrop of shrinking space globally, now is the time to review whether EITI’s mechanisms for assessing civic space are fit for purposes and serving the broader objective: Ensuring civil society’s ability to participate freely, independently and meaningfully in the national dialogue on natural resource governance.

According to data provided by the Civicus Monitor indicates that our of 50+ EITI implementing Countries 40 have seriously restricted Civic space, including 2 listed as closed. 13 repressed, 25 obstructed and a further 6 with narrowed Civic space and 5 as open.

Activist working on transparency in the extractive sector are among the most targeted globally. Attacks against activists working on transparency in the extractives include killings, torture and disappearances as well as criminalization of their activists. The business and human rights resource centre has identified attacks on human rights activists working on business related activities in approximately 36% of the 50+ EITI implementing Countries in the last three years.

Myanmar represents a test case for how the board assess requirement 1.3 and will be a bell weather for similar scenarios in Countries like the Dominican Republic. It is important to uphold EITI’s commitment to review the broader environment in which EITI operates and to assess whether the broader objective of Civil society protocol has been fulfilled, Ms Elisa Peter, Executive Director of Publish What You Pay Global CSO Coalition stated.

What Does this year’s budget have for you?  How Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda prepare and manage their budgets differently to minimise perpetual deficit

 

As East Africans continue to dissect and internalise what impacts this year’s national budgets will have on the economy and standards of ordinary citizens, the questions remain whether these budget targets can be achieved. But what are national budgets and how have these coveted statements and speeches resonated with citizens interests over time? The trend and results from previous budgets show mixed feelings and perhaps, it is time to reflect on how national budgets are made. 

By Moses Kulaba; Governance and economic analysis centre

What are national budgets?

A national budget is a statement of how government plans to raise and spend revenue or public money collected from various domestic and external sources. Domestically, the government largely raises revenues through taxation.

The legendary Economist and tax theorist Adam Smith stated that states as sovereign entities have the right to impose taxes and to spend these proceeds from taxation to meet the public financial needs of its citizens. 

The tradition of taxation is rooted in ancient empires which required that every able citizen makes a mandatory contribution to the state and in return the state provides protection and social services.

Taxes in ancient Egypt, Greece and Rome were charged to finance war but the idea of sales taxes, income taxes, property taxes, inheritance taxes, estate taxes, gift taxes are said to be a modern invention. The concepts of taxation that evolved and developed were transported to other empires and cultures where tax ideas took root. This pattern continues through today as nations are influenced by tax practices from other Countries

There is no art which one government sooner learns than that of draining money from the pockets of people-Adam Smith

In commonwealth traditions, proposed government collections and expenditures are articulated in a national budget statement and speech always presented before the state parliament or legislature on the budget day. In Tanzania, this is presented on every second Thursday of June of every year.

What are the key priority areas for this year’s national budgets?

The budgets from the three East African states appears to have been informed by the regional consensus on theme of promoting industrialisation. Driven to achieve this objectives governments have reshuffled its priorities towards agenda with Tanzania and Uganda pushing this through the five-year development plans while Kenya pushes its big four agenda.

Country

2018/19

2019/20

Tanzania

  1. Industrialisation
  2. Agriculture
  3. Social Services
  4. Infrastructure
  1. Industrialisation
  2. Infrastructure development and power generation
  3. Aviation sector

Kenya

  1. Infrastructure
  2. Education
  3. Information, Communication and Technology
  4. Poverty reduction and social protection
  5. Security for investment, growth & employment
  1. Education
  2. Energy, infrastructure, information, communication and Technology
  3. Public Administration
  4. Governance, justice, law and order
  5. National Security

Uganda

  1. Commercialisation of agriculture
  2. Industrialisation and productivity enhancement
  3. Financing private sector investment
  4. Minerals development
  1. Works and Infrastructure investment
  2. Debt repayment
  3. Security
  4. Education
  5. Mineral development

Who are the winners and losers?

Across the East African region, the major beneficiaries were the manufactures. The major beneficiaries in Tanzania are horticulturalists, manufacturers of packing materials and baby diapers. VAT has been exempted on imported refrigeration boxes used for horticultural farming while all imported horticultural products will be charged 35% instead of 25%.  Zanzibaris have a reason to celebrate as supply of electricity services from mainland Tanzania to Zanzibar will be zero rated. The tourist sector has also won big with reductions in taxes on some specific packages such as game hunting. While airline operators will have a sigh of relief airline tickets, flyers, staff uniforms and aircraft lubricants are VAT exempted.

Motorists and women will obviously take a brunt of the budget as the tax man has increased taxes on driving licence fees from Tsh 40,000 to Tsh 70,000 and registration card fees for all forms of motor cycles from Tsh 10,000 to Tsh20,000. The tax man has targeted women imposing 10% duty on locally produced synthetic hair whereas imported artificial hair will be charged at 25%. VAT on sanitary pads has been abolished.

In Kenya the manufactures are winners with a withholding VAT rate reduced from 6% to 2% and introduction of a refund formula which expedites VAT refunds and ensures a full refund of input tax credit rating to zero rated.  Agriculturalists have reason to celebrate with Ksh 1.0bln diversification and revitalisation of Miraa and Ksh 3.0bln for setting up the Coffee Cherry Revolving Fund, aimed at implementing prioritised reforms in the coffee subsector.  Digital employees have a reason to celebrate as they will enjoy an exempted tax on income earned under the Ajira Program. The measure is aimed at enabling over 1million youth to be engaged as a digital freelance worker. The health sector has some reasons for joy as an additional to Ksh47.8ln is allocated to expand access to Universal Health Coverage from 4 pilot counties to other counties.

Meanwhile drunkards and gamblers will continue to leak their wounds as they ache out an additional 10% in taxes is slapped on betting and 15% on tobacco and alcoholic drinks. Boda Boda and Tuk-Tuk riders will face an uphill task with amendments to the Insurance (Motor Vehicle third party risks certificate of insurance) rules to require all passenger carrying riders to have an insurance cover for passengers and pedestrians.

In Uganda, the works and infrastructure continue to enjoy a good share of the budget with Ush6.4trillion of the budget allocated to it.  The industrialists are perhaps the biggest winners with generous tax exemptions allocated for industrial parks expanded to 10 years for letting, leasing or expanding existing developers with capital of at least USD50Mln and operators with at least USD10 Mln capital.  There has been an introduction of income tax exemption on interest paid on infrastructure bonds such as listed bonds and securities. Removal of withdrawing on agriculture supplies and listing and other similar goods. Exemptions on aircraft insurance services, supply of services.  A beneficial owner and citizen have also been redefined to be in line with the East African Community Court ruling in the case of BAT Vs URA.   The importers of fresh or chilled or cooked potatoes, honey, granite, marble and ceramics are net losers with increased customs duties.

Amidst of all these changes in estimates, significant to note is that new creatives sources of tax revenues were presented.

Governments have perpetually faced narrow taxes bases with potentially same traditional sources facing the tax man. In recent years the government have developed affinity to indirect taxes, despite their regressive nature and inequitably targeting of the poor

What have been the trends?

Country

2017/18

2018/19

2019/20

Kenya

Ksh 2.3bln

Ksh 2.5bln

Ksh3 trln

Tanzania

Tsh 31.7trln

Tsh32.4trln

Tsh 33.11trln

Uganda

Ush 29 trln

Ush 32.7 trln

Ush 40.487trln

The trend shows that budgets estimates have been increasing over the years with this year’s budgets touted as the highest since independence. However, the actual budget out turns have fallen short of projections. Kenya, which is the biggest economy in the region has missed targets for the past seven years

In 2018/19 Tanzania recorded a shortfall in budget outturn only achieving 88% of its targeted revenue collection. This was attributed to a number of factors

  • Decline in domestic revenue
  • Tighter global conditions
  • Decline and delayed disbursement in government

The trends from previous budgets show that the government has been largely a net borrower and net spender. Governments rely heavily on domestic and external borrowing to fill its budget deficits. Very little is saved.

Generally, Government debt as a percent of GDP is used by investors to measure a country ability to make future payments on its debt, thus affecting the country borrowing costs and government bond yields.

Over the years the governments debt to GDP ratios have spiralled reaching record highs.  According to government statistics in Tanzania the debt to GDP ratio hit 34.2 % by end of 2017. The Bank of Tanzania reported that the external debt stock comprising of public and private sector debt amounted to USD 21,529mln at end of March 2019. Uganda’s debt to equity ratio was 41.2%.  Kenya’s debt to GDP ration was at a record 57.5% in 2017 and around 55 % in 2018.

Governments have constantly argued that their debt obligations are manageable and the current borrowing appetite is aimed at achieving a favourable debt mix of short term and long-term loans. The down side of appetite is that as government piles new debts, the maturity period of old debts is too short and puts a lot of pressure on government revenues to pay. In Uganda for example 11% of this year’s budget will be spent on debt repayment.

The debt burden is worsened by the near stagnant revenue growth, the Ugandan Planning Minister acknowledged in 2018. “Our tax base is not growing at the same rate,” he added, putting the tax to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratio at 14.3 per cent.

The government spends most of its money on recurrent expenditures such as salaries and its development budget on mega infrastructure such as roads, power generation and aviation have not been quick in generating commensurate revenues, leaving governments with perpetual financing gaps every budget year.

The question then which emerges is why increase budgets when the revenue targets for the previous years have not been met?

Do governments need to adopt a saving culture-amidst all.

As meeting domestic revenue targets becomes doggy and external aid and borrowing stringent, how can governments manage their budgets to ensure that some of the revenues collected are saved and used to cushion future deficits. The governments have options that can be considered.

Adopting a cost cutting

Cutting of nugatory public expenditures spent on running public administration can save governments massive recurrent expenditures on salaries and allowances. While Kenya has adopted a heavy devolution structure costing government billions of shillings to run Uganda has the largest cabinet in the East African region. The Ugandan government has rapidly created economically unviable local government districts, who rely heavily on central government subsidies to survive.

Adopting revenue saving culture

The government can adopt a revenue saving culture. Revenue management is largely a tax policy concern which hinges on economics that revenues from various sources should be spent in a sustainable manner to avoid long-term shortfalls and economic instabilities that might affect the overall economic tax base.

These views are reflected in Hugh Dalton’s ‘principles of maximum social advantage (Marginal Social Sacrifice theory) and  Arthur Pigou’s ‘principle of maximum social welfare benefits’ (Marginal Social Benefit)  theories of taxation and public expenditure which suggest that taxation (government revenue) and government expenditure as two key tools of public finance have to be balanced to achieve maximum social benefits. Neither excess is good for the society.

Sustainable economic growth can therefore be achieved when government balances its short term and long-term public revenue and expenditure needs.  The government does not need to exclusively spend on infrastructure or welfare benefits but it also needs to save and spend on strategic investment to safe guard its future revenue sources.

This saving culture should be embedded in a country’s budget policy and revenue expenditure management system and fiscal regimes governing expenditures of its revenue.

Investing in foreign government financial instruments

The governments can take the Japanese and Chinese approach of investing in foreign government financial instruments.  Globally, the Japanese and Chinese are among the highest investors in the United States government securities. Controversial as it may look, but by investing its wealth in secure foreign government bonds, the government can ensure that the dividends realised are ploughed back into the Country to support its economy.

This type of foreign investment has made it possible for the Japanese able to finance their domestic debt which is almost above 233% of GDP.  The other difference between Japan and other countries is that its debt is held by its Citizens.

Many other countries, including Greece, owe mostly to foreign creditors. However, most of Japan’s debt (including government bond liabilities) are held by its own citizen, so the risk of defaulting is much lower. Japan is still well-off because it can adjust interest rates at low levels so that repayment values stay low relative to the overall debt level.-Forbes

Introducing effective currency management

The governments can adopt the Egyptian model of devaluing its currency to ensure that the country exports more and attracts more foreign currency into the country than it spends in payment and servicing external debt. The attracted foreign income is invested into production to boost economic growth.  As an economy grows to higher level, it becomes able to generate enough revenues to pay off or reduce its debt burden.

Helpful Further Readings and references

  1. Afosa, K. (1985), ‘Financial Administration of Ancient Ashanti Empire’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 12(2), pp. 109–115.Google Scholar
  2. Blakey R. G. and Blakey, G. S. (1940), The Federal Income Tax, New York, Longman Green and Company.Google Scholar
  3. Crum, R. P. (1982), ‘Value-Added Taxation: The Roots Run Deep into Colonial and Early America’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 9(2), pp. 25–41.Google Scholar
  4. Garbutt, D. (1984), ‘The Significance of Ancient Mesopotamia in Accounting History’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 11(11), pp. 83–101.Google Scholar
  5. Jose, M.L. and Moore, C.K. (1998), ‘The Development of Taxation in the Bible: Improvements in Counting, Measurement and Computation in the Ancient Middle East’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 25(2), pp. 63–80.Google Scholar
  6. Kozub, R.M. (1983), ‘Antecedents of the Income Tax in Colonial America’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 10(2), pp. 99–116.Google Scholar
  7. Mann, H. (1984), ‘ Thus Spake The Rabbis-The First Income Tax?’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 11(1), pp. 125–133.Google Scholar
  8. Paul, R.E. (1954), Taxation in the United States, Boston: Little Brown and Company.Google Scholar
  9. Samson, W.D. (1985),The Nineteenth Century Income Tax in the SouthThe Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 12(1), pp. 37–52.Google Scholar
  10. Samson, W.D. (1996), ‘The Evolution of the U.S. Income Tax: The History of Progressivity and Influences from Other Countries,’ in A. Richardson (Ed), Disorder and Harmony: 20th Century Perspective on Accounting History, The Seventh World Congress of Accounting Historians (CGA Canada Research Foundation Research Monograph No. 23), pp. 205–227.Google Scholar
  11. Seligman, E.R.A. (1909), Progressive Taxation, New York: MacMillan Company, 2nd edition.Google Scholar
  12. Seligman, E. R.A. (1911), The Income Tax, New York: MacMillan Company.Google Scholar
  13. Seligman, E.R.A. (1931), Essays In Taxation, New York: MacMillan Company.Google Scholar
  14. Shultz, W.J. (1926), The Taxation of Inheritance, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.Google Scholar
  15. Smith, A. (1976), An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Oxford: Clarendon Press.Google Scholar
  16. Solas, C. and Otar, I. (1994), ‘The Accounting System Practiced in the Near East During the Period 1220–1350 Based on the Book Risale-I Felekiyye’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 21(1), pp. 117–135.Google Scholar
  17. Wells, S.C. and Flesher, T. K. (1994), ‘Lessons for Policymakers from the History of Consumption Taxes’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 21(1), pp. 103–126.Google Scholar
  18. Yeakel, J.A. (1983), ‘The Accountant-Historians of the Incas’, The Accounting Historians Journal, Vol. 10(2), pp. 39–51.Google Scholar